A HOLLOW VICTORY: Why
HB 8389 falls short of a genuine anti-political dynasty law
A NAMFREL Statement on the
Passage of House Bill No. 8389
June 9, 2026
A Step Forward - But Not Enough
The National Citizens’
Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) acknowledges the historic
passage of House Bill No. 8389, or the Anti-Political Dynasty Act,
by the House of Representatives. For the first time in nearly four
decades since the 1987 Constitution mandated Congress to define and
prohibit political dynasties, the lower chamber has acted. This is a
moment long overdue.
Yet NAMFREL cannot in good
conscience celebrate this bill as a genuine victory for democratic
reform. After careful review, we are compelled to declare: HB 8389
is a watered-down measure that institutionalizes loopholes, offers
political dynasties a legal roadmap for survival, and risks
permanently closing the door on truly meaningful reform.
What the Bill Does and What It Fails to Do
HB 8389 prohibits spouses
and relatives within the second degree of consanguinity or affinity
from simultaneously running for or holding elective office within
the same jurisdiction. On its face, this sounds meaningful.
Proponents cite projections that the bill could affect over 5,000
elective seats and displace up to 61% of municipal mayors with
dynastic ties.
But scrutiny of the bill’s
mechanics exposes a far more troubling reality. The bill does not
ban dynasties - it merely regulates which family members may sit
together in the same room. Everything else remains on the table.
Three Fatal Flaws That Perpetuate Dynasties
1. The Second-Degree
Ceiling Is Too Low.. Philippine political dynasties do not operate
solely through parents, children, and siblings. They function
through tightly-knit webs of uncles, aunts, nephews, nieces, and
first cousins – all of whom fall in the third and fourth degree of
kinship and are therefore completely untouched by HB 8389. Electoral
experts consistently argue that an effective anti-dynasty law must
reach at least the fourth degree of consanguinity – the standard
definition of close family under Philippine civil law. By capping
coverage at the second degree, the bill does not dismantle
dynasties; it merely nudges them to reorganize.
2. The Jurisdictional
Loophole Is a Dynasty’s Best Friend. The bill only restricts
relatives from simultaneously holding office within the same
jurisdiction or tier. This single design flaw is a fatal concession.
A spouse may hold a Senate seat while a sibling runs an entire
congressional district. A parent may occupy a governorship while a
child holds a separate congressional seat. Cousins, uncles, and
nephews may blanket an entire province’s municipal governments – all
perfectly legal.
NAMFREL notes that
real-world examples abound. The multi-tiered vertical hold of
prominent clans across national, congressional, provincial, and
municipal offices – an arrangement that defines the Philippines’
political landscape – would remain entirely lawful under HB 8389.
This is not reform; it is recognition.
3. The Party-List System
Is Left Unaddressed. The bill imposes no meaningful restrictions on
the party-list system, which political families have long exploited
as a vehicle for securing national representation while retaining
strangleholds on local governments. This omission allows dynasties
to operate on two fronts simultaneously, further entrenching their
power in ways the bill was designed, ostensibly, to prevent.
The “Token Reform” Trap
NAMFREL is gravely
concerned about the long-term political consequences of allowing a
structurally deficient law to stand as the definitive legislative
response to the dynasty problem.
History teaches us that a
weak law passed in lieu of a strong one does not invite improvement
- it suppresses it. Once Congress declares that it has “addressed”
political dynasties through HB 8389, advocates for genuine reform
will face the far steeper challenge of arguing that an existing law
is insufficient. Entrenched political clans and their allies will
have every incentive to resist reopening the question. The passage
of a flawed law, in this respect, may do more lasting damage to
democratic reform in the Philippines than decades of legislative
inaction.
Moreover, the bill’s
conflict-resolution mechanism – allowing relatives who both win to
resolve the conflict by voluntary withdrawal or by drawing lots – is
an affront to democratic principle. The sovereign will of voters
should never be subordinated to a coin toss or a family agreement.
This provision compromises the integrity of elections and insults
every citizen who cast a ballot.
The Path to a Genuine Anti-Dynasty Law
NAMFREL calls on Congress,
civil society, and the Filipino people to commit to nothing less
than a genuine, comprehensive anti-political dynasty law. Such a law
must include, at minimum, the following elements:
• Fourth-Degree Coverage:
The prohibition must extend to the fourth degree of consanguinity
and affinity, covering first cousins, uncles, aunts, nephews, and
nieces – consistent with Philippine civil law’s definition of close
family relations.
• Vertical Bans Across
Government Tiers: The law must prohibit family members from
simultaneously occupying positions across different levels of
government – national, congressional, provincial, and municipal –
within the same geographic area of influence.
• Party-List Restrictions:
Families must not be permitted to use the party-list system to
circumvent local office restrictions. Representatives of party-list
organizations must be subject to the same dynastic prohibitions.
• Strict Succession and
Cooling-Off Rules: The law must prohibit the rotation of power
between relatives - the spousal or sibling swap - by mandating
meaningful cooling-off periods that prevent immediate familial
succession to the same post.
• One Seat Per Family
Rule: A credible anti-dynasty law should move toward limiting any
single family to one national seat and one local seat at any given
time, preventing the vertical monopoly of an entire region by a
single clan.
A Call to
the Bicameral Conference Committee
The bill now proceeds to
the Senate, where counterpart measures with significantly stronger
provisions have been filed and deliberated. NAMFREL calls on both
chambers of Congress to approach the bicameral conference process
not as a negotiation to water down the stronger Senate version, but
as an opportunity to forge a law worthy of the Constitution’s
vision.
We urge the Bicameral
Conference Committee to reconcile the House and Senate versions in
favor of the strongest, most comprehensive standards: fourth-degree
coverage, vertical bans, party-list inclusion, and strict
anti-succession provisions. The Filipino people have waited 39 years
for this law. They deserve the real thing – not a legislative
shortcut that protects the dynasties it purports to dismantle.
NAMFREL places Congress on
notice: if the bicameral process produces a final law that is no
stronger than HB 8389 in its current form - one riddled with the
same loopholes, the same narrow scope, and the same deference to
entrenched power – we will join and actively support the growing
movement for a People’s Initiative to bring a genuine anti-dynasty
measure directly to the Filipino people for ratification. The
Constitution provides this remedy precisely for moments when
Congress fails its democratic mandate. We will not hesitate to use
it.
Political dynasties are
not merely a political inconvenience. They are a structural barrier
to the equal participation of every Filipino in democratic
governance. NAMFREL was founded on the belief that elections must be
genuinely free and fair – and that ideal is impossible so long as a
handful of families hold a hereditary grip on Philippine public
office.
The moment to act is now.
The bicameral committee must rise to the occasion, or the people
will.